Between East and West: A Post-War Independent State of Croatia

What is this?

This is a TLIAF (Timeline in a Fortnight) or so, to be honest, which is about a history of the Independent State of Croatia (yes, the Nazi puppet state) if the Lorković-Vokić plot had succeeded and a pro-Western, anti-Communist democratic government took control.

Wait what, how???

Well you'll have to follow to find out.

Wait, this isn't some sort of Neo-Nazi wish fulfillment exercise, is it? I'm not signing up for a fortnight's worth of nationalist dick-waving.

No, don't worry. The funny thing is, I'm actually a Titoist, if anything, and pro-Yugoslav. I did come across a wikipedia article on the plot though, and it got me thinking. So in a sense it is a Yugoslavia-screw and an arguable Croatia-wank (depending on what your view of Tito, Communism and Yugoslavia is). Even though a lot of the time Yugoslavia is depicted as having been torn apart by centrifugal forces along nationalist lines, I'm going to explore a lot of the other tensions that would be unique to Croatia in the post-war period, like how to deal with its collaborationist past, as well as the role of the Church, of the military, and its relations to the rest of the Western world. Also I'm going to have a look at Slovenia too.

Okay, I'm listening. But one other thing: don't you have two other TLs that you're supposed to be committed to, namely 'Stars and Sickles' and 'In the Arms of Papatuanuku'?

Yeah... about that. Whilst I'm not going to be able to contribute to Stars and Sickles for a while, I will... eventually. About ITAOP, I am definitely still interested in it and want to continue with it, but to be honest since losing my old laptop and the (very long) update I had written from it, I just need a little break from it because that really pissed me off. But I will contribute to it, presumably after I finish this, which I've already planned out quite a lot of.

Alright. Well get on with it then...
 
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Još Hrvatska Ni Propala (Croatia Has Not Yet Fallen)


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Mladen Lorković (left) and Ante Vokić, lead conspirators of the Lorković-Vokić Plot. Lorković had been Minister of the Interior in the Pavelić government, whilst Vokić held the post of Minister of the Armed Forces

Flags fluttered in the wind over as a gentle breeze swept across St. Mark’s Square. Emblazoned with the Union Jack, the Stars and Bars, and the šahovnica[1], they stood proud over the upper town of Zagreb. Conspicuously, the Ustaše ‘U’ was torn from many of the flags, and those that still held the symbol of the vanquished regime were taken down by the authorities. Over the last few months, the fate of a nation had hung in the balance. Fascism had fallen, but Croatia stood firm. It may have wavered in the winds of change but it had bent, not broken.


Mladen Lorković let forth a sigh as he looked upon Ante Vokić’s smiling face. The tall, dashing general exuded an air of confidence as they together looked out across the city from the upper floor of the parliament building, upon the Banski dvori, the old seat of the Croatian Bans and the wartime home of the deposed Poglavnik[2] Ante Pavelić. “I think you suit the new office much better” joked Vokić, with a roguish glint in his eye. Lorković, a more tired man, responded dryly “there is still much to be done”. “True, but I think it will look much better once all those bullet holes are covered up”. Vokić chuckled at his own joke. Lorković sighed again. Vokić was a military man. For him victory was everything. But as a politician, Lorković knew that once one problem was done away with, another always took its place.


Lorković knew it would be a lie to declare victory so soon, yet this is exactly what he would do, as thousands crowded the square to celebrate the departure of the Germans and the dissolution of the Ustaše regime. Nevertheless, he knew that rocky times lay ahead for the Independent State of Croatia. Many of Tito's followers still roamed the countryside, particularly in the forbidding hills of central Bosnia. He governed in Belgrade, presiding over a new incarnation of the hated Yugoslavia, the nation which had driven so many of his compatriots into the arms of the fascists. He knew that amongst the sadists, the rapists and the serial murderers, there existed within the Ustaše many misguided men, young and old, who had committed hellish deeds with the belief that an eternity spent in lakes of fire were a fair price to pay to defend their fatherland against the greedy Jew and the rapacious Serb. It was this sentiment that had enticed men who had been husbands, fathers, teachers and lovers to so assuredly throw away their humanity in places like Jasenovac, where the bodies of countless Serb, Jewish and Gypsy men, women and children lay, unmarked and dishonoured.

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Vladko Maček, head of the Croatian Peasant Party (also known unofficially as the Mačekovci) and Croatia's first post-war President


Maček, President of the Croatian Peasant Party and Lorković's successor, did not necessarily understand in the same way. He had held the loyalty of many older Croats, people who had grown up when this land was a mere fief of the sprawling Habsburg Empire. They were nationalists, no doubt, but they did not approve of the terror, the excesses of the Ustaše regime. They preferred a Croat nation with a smattering of Serbs and Jews to one which lost its humanity amongst the fires of war for the mere reward of a false purity. Maček's party was by far the most popular in the nation, and it would be him who, unsullied by the legacy of the Ustaše, would take the reigns and drive Croatia into its future amongst the brotherhood of Western nations. Whilst he feared the wily Tito and what he saw as a Communist scourge, he knew that the fascists were defeated, but not destroyed. He knew they lay ever vigilant, waiting for the opportunity to spring forth, from the dark monasteries of the Vatican, to the exotic and distant locales of Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay. Not least, he knew that in the United States, the new patron of his nation's security, there existed men whose hands had been drenched in the blood of innocents, who if given the opportunity to return to the levers of the state, would finish the work they had started in the great conflagration of yesteryear. Whilst Vokić may have been confident, even cavalier (in the manner, as he thought, of the fascists he used to call his peers), they all knew that the next few years were a crucible for the fledgling nation. "Never again" muttered Maček. "Never again will we be slaves. And never again will Croats be cowards". Soon it would be time. He would speak to the thousands of mačekovci who were already gathering in the square. Now would be the time to lead his people, finally.

===

[1] The Croatian red-chequered chessboard.

[2] The title of Ante Pavelić, who headed the Ustaše regime. Is the Croatian equivalent (and mimicry) of 'Führer'.
 
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orwelans II

Banned
A Lorković-Vokić coup that manages to replace Pavelić is a very interesting POD, but there're a lot of things unclear with this timeline so far.

1) How did they manage to take the power in Croatia without the Germans removing them ASAP?

2) How did they manage to keep it while at the same time being opposed to Tito and the communist insurgency that controlled most of the land and had the popular support at that point.

3) The allies agreed to restore Yugoslavia prior to this. I can understand the capitalist powers wanting to have another puppet for themselves instead of letting Stalin get it, but how did they get there before the Red Army?

4) What happened to Slovenia now that an independent Croatia is cutting it off from Belgrade?

5) What's this new Croatian government's border with the Kingdom of Italy?
 
A Lorković-Vokić coup that manages to replace Pavelić is a very interesting POD, but there're a lot of things unclear with this timeline so far.

1) How did they manage to take the power in Croatia without the Germans removing them ASAP?

2) How did they manage to keep it while at the same time being opposed to Tito and the communist insurgency that controlled most of the land and had the popular support at that point.

3) The allies agreed to restore Yugoslavia prior to this. I can understand the capitalist powers wanting to have another puppet for themselves instead of letting Stalin get it, but how did they get there before the Red Army?

4) What happened to Slovenia now that an independent Croatia is cutting it off from Belgrade?

5) What's this new Croatian government's border with the Kingdom of Italy?

Haha yeah all these things are going to be explained. View the existing posts as a prologue of sorts. All these questions will be answered in good time :p

Although I will say, regarding 5), that the Kingdom of Italy is no longer, as it is the Republic of Italy (as it was in OTL post-capitulation), and that the borders are the same as they were after the NDH annexed those Dalmatian territories that had been ceded to Italy. Of more controversy is the Slovenian/Italian border, particularly Trieste. With regards to 4) I am also going to be looking at Slovenia in dedicated updates to them, so don't worry your curiosity will be sated on that too soon enough.
 

Gori More, Tope Se Planine
(Sea Is Burning, Mountains Are Melting)


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Messerschmidt fighter-plane of the Zrakoplovsto Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (ZNDH), the air force of the Independent State of Croatia. Despite having a fair number of excellent pilots, the scarcity of modern designs and numerical inferiority vis-a-vis the British and Commonwealth forces meant such aircraft posed little threat to Allied air supremacy


The clear August sky buzzed with the sounds of aircraft engines, as swarms of warplanes flew over the sparkling waters of the Adriatic. Reaching the rugged coasts, the aircraft dived, strafing and bombing the various makeshift German fortifications that looked out upon the blue waters. Soon the aeroplanes were assisted in their task by the formidable naval armada buoyed menacingly off of the shore. A cacophony roared forth from the guns of the various cruisers, the thunder to the lightning that blasted the pillboxes and wire fortifications that overlooked the landing site. After an hour and a half of constant shelling, landing craft beached in the bay, where the British soldiers disembarked. Token resistance by the small German garrison was swept aside with minimal effort. Compared to the campaign in Italy, this had been a walk in the park, at least thus far. The Americans had strongly opposed this invasion, refusing to contribute anything more than the requisite supplies and shipping, but Churchill and “Jumbo” Wilson, the Supreme Allied Commander in the Mediterranean were strongly in favour of the invasion. They believed that an invasion of the Balkans would allow the Allies to cut off German forces positioned further south and open the Danube plain as a potential invasion route into the heart of Germany.


In this country the German presence was vulnerable. Multiple resistance organisations existed, most notably the Communist Partisans led by Josip Broz ‘Tito’ and the Serb royalist/nationalist Četnik guerrillas headed by Dragoljub ‘Draža’ Mihailović. The British had also been in clandestine communication with elements within the Croatian puppet state who opposed the leadership of the brutal Ustaše quislings. These elements guaranteed assistance against the Wehrmacht and the Ustaška Vojnica, the ‘party army’ of the Ustaše. As the British forces secured the coastal cities of Trieste, Rijeka (formerly Fiume), Split and Dubrovnik, the Hrvatsko Domobranstvo (Croatian Home Guard) rose up against the Ustaše in a coup led by Interior Minister Mladen Lorković and Minister of the Armed Forces Ante Vokić. A number of German units were captured and disarmed by the Domobran, often acting in unison with anti-fascist elements such as the Partisans and (less frequently) the Četniks, who sought vengeance for their persecution by the Ustaše. In many cases, however, the activities of the Domobran were relatively limited in their abilities to do more than pin down the better-equipped and determined Ustaše and Wehrmacht forces, particularly the 7th SS Volunteer Mountain Division ‘Prinz Eugen’, comprised of local Volksdeutsche, and the 13th Waffen Mountain Division of the SS ‘Handschar’ (1st Croatian), comprised largely of Bosnian Muslims. The Wehrmacht response was confused by the position of Edmund Glaise-Horstenau, the German plenipotentiary-general in the NDH, who sympathised with the putschists. In Dalmatia, the hostile forces were unable to mount an effective defense under crippling bombardment from British air and naval firepower. Nevertheless, the rapid advance inland would soon meet with difficulties as British lines of supply lengthened and the fascist forces regrouped.

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Domobran soldiers set up improvised roadblocks to inconvenience Axis troops


The Allied advance ran into its greatest difficulty in Bosnia-Herzegovina, where the bulk of the fascist forces were deployed, and where the rugged and often heavily-forested terrain slowed the British and Domobran offensives. Fighting from often-concealed positions, the aerial advantage of the British was largely negated, leaving the Allies vulnerable to ambush by the fanatical Ustaše militia and SS divisions. A joint Wehrmacht-Ustaše offensive, Operation Jaeger, inflicted heavy losses on the Allies as they advanced into the Vrbas river valley. A complete rout was only prevented by the delaying actions of Partisan and Četnik bands, allowing a strategic retreat by British forces, at the cost of virtually annihilating the Partisan manpower within the region. With the failure of that offensive, and the subsequent loss of heavy equipment by the Axis forces, the Ustaše and local SS divisions shifted to a purely defensive focus. Meanwhile, Tito ordered a general uprising of Partisan bands throughout Yugoslavia. The intensified Communist insurgency overstretched the Ustaše forces. The British slowly but steadily continued their advance, wary of running into another trap akin to the Vrbas pocket. The Ustaše and SS forces, aware of their ability to inflict significant casualties on the British advance but incapable of turning the strategic situation in their favour, began to focus their attention on villages suspected of harbouring Communist forces, seeking to annihilate the Partisans to preclude a potential post-war Communist takeover of Croatia. The cautious British forces were aware of the atrocities meted out on local communities, but were often unwilling to risk their forces by intervening. Such a policy fed the post-war Communist narrative that the NDH had simply exchanged a fascist overlord for an imperialist one, and that the NDH was merely a front for the global reactionary counter-revolutionary struggle.

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Soldiers of the 13th Waffen Mountain Division of the SS ‘Handschar’ (1st Croatian), at parade and before prayer

Some of the toughest fighting of the campaign was localised within the Tuzla-Zvornik-Bijeljina-Brčko-Gradačac-Gračanica “security zone” under the control of the Handschar SS Division. This division, comprised largely of Bosnian Muslims, had already ferociously suppressed Partisan activity in the sector. The British were supported by the Zeleni Kadar (“Green Cadres”), a Muslim paramilitary group that assisted the British in keeping law and order in the region whilst the British Army and the Domobran engaged the Handschar Division. Despite British frustrations at the Zeleni Kadar’s refusal to engage in combat with fellow Muslims, the group provided valuable security and logistical support which allowed the British to focus on combating the Handschar in their area of operations. Nevertheless, the British found themselves incapable of pinning down and destroying the Handschar Division in the hills of north-eastern Bosnia. Initially refusing offers of surrender in exchange for clemency from the Volksdeutsche commander of the Handschar Division, SS-Brigadeführer und Generalmajor der Waffen-SS Desiderius Hampel. Eventually, as the Soviets broke through the fascist defenses in Hungary, the British accepted Hampel’s terms.


Having pushed through the mountains of northern Dalmatia and Bosnia, the British forces came across Logor Jasenovac, the first death camp yet encountered by the Western Allies. The camp supervisors, aware of the approach of British and Domobran forces, operated the camp at full capacity in order to erase traces of the atrocities. As the British moved to liberate the camp, they were set upon aggressively by Ustaše militia, including the infamous Black Legion (Crna Legija). Despite the ferocity of the Croatian forces, their relatively unorganised attacks were rebuffed by the British and Commonwealth forces, with Australian soldiers bearing the brunt of the attacks. As battles raged in the surrounding countryside, the Picilli Furnace at Jasenovac spewed forth ash. The furnaces operated at full capacity as the Ustaše guards disposed of the bodies of hundreds of Serbs, Jews, Gypsies and Communists. A revolt by the prisoners was forcibly put down, but around 80 prisoners escaped to the Allied lines. By the time Australian forces had captured the camp, there was little more left but ruins, soot and the remains of murdered prisoners.

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Ustaše prepare to brutally execute a prisoner with an axe at Jasenovac death camp


As reports about Jasenovac piled up on his desk, and as Soviet forces burst through Vojvodina and into Serbia, Jumbo Wilson pushed for a rapid advance towards Zagreb and a concurrent thrust into Slovenia. Managing to encircle the Croatian capital, the allied forces were quickly bogged down in brutal urban fighting with fanatical Ustaše troops. Eventually, they managed to seize the city, but Ante Pavelić and a number of other high-ranking Ustaše had managed to escape. In the following few weeks, the British and Commonwealth forces pushed into Slovenia in their drive towards Austria and southern Germany. Meanwhile, Communist forces reached the Bay of Kotor, seizing Montenegro for the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Whilst the major military threat of the Croatian fascist state was ended, some die-hard Ustaše forces nevertheless roamed the countryside, as did Communist Partisans. Both of these forces would threaten Croatia’s fragile and embryonic democracy.
 
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Not sure what Lorković would have really contributed to the coup. Nor if he can expect a particularly bright future for himself in an Allied Croatia. After all, Lorković was a member of Pavelić's old guard and one of the chief ideologues and racial theorists of the Ustashe regime.

Vokić is a more respectable figure, and Maček even more so. I guess they would provide both the moral and the material backbone of the new order.

It's a very interesting concept, in any case. Great job so far.
 
What led to Churchill unilaterally doing the Balkans strategy? Maček being in charge should mean a solid, democratic basis for the country. If you complete this, a good idea would be to do a TL where Tito loses out to Stalin in that conflict they had. Stalinist ideas for yugoslavia would be interesting.
 
What led to Churchill unilaterally doing the Balkans strategy? Maček being in charge should mean a solid, democratic basis for the country. If you complete this, a good idea would be to do a TL where Tito loses out to Stalin in that conflict they had. Stalinist ideas for yugoslavia would be interesting.

To be honest, Churchill's unilateral decision on this is largely handwavium, but the general idea is that Churchill wants to push the "frontier" of Western control as far towards the east as possible to minimise Soviet expansion, and in particular to prevent the Soviets from getting to the Mediterranean and potentially challenging British strategic domination of the Mediterranean basin.
 
Brada kaza jarca ne pako mudroznanca (If the beard were all, the goat might preach)

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The changing of the guard at the Banski Dvori (the traditional residence of the Bans of Croatia, now the President's abode)


In the aftermath of the Second World War, the Independent State of Croatia began to reshape its constitutional and political structure. The single-party Ustaše state was replaced by a coalition government, dominated by the Croatian Peasant Party (Hrvatska Seljačka Stranka, HSS), but also including the Independent Democratic Party (Samostalna Demokratska Stranka, SDS) in Croatia, which had separated with the State Anti-fascist Council for the National Liberation of Croatia (Zemaljsko Antifašističko Vijeće Narodnog Oslobođenja Hrvatske, ZAVNOH). ZAVNOH comprised the wartime ‘government’ of the Partisans in Croatia, operating under a ‘national front’ system dominated by the Communists but also incorporating various other parties under its aegis.

A necessary step towards creating a meaningful democracy was the policy of ‘defašistikacija’, which operated in parallel to Allied efforts of ‘denazification’ in post-war Germany. As in Germany, many of those that collaborated with the Ustaše regime were pardoned, and with the exception of the most heinous war criminals such as Miroslav ‘Friar Satan’ Filipović and Vjekoslav ‘Maks’ Luburić, many of the former Ustaše officials that remained in the country (rather than fleeing overseas to the likes of Argentina and the USA) were rehabilitated. Nevertheless, high-ranking members of the regime were generally sidelined from the Cabinet, most notably Mladen Lorković, who had been one of the leaders of the anti-fascist coup near the end of the war.

Lorković had nevertheless been a member of the ‘old guard’ of the Ustaše, and he had mounted the coup largely as a means for salvaging something out of the maelstrom of war for Croatia, rather than out of strong ideological opposition to the Ustaše regime. After all, he had for many years been one of the Ustaše’s leading theorists. During the reshuffling of the Croatian cabinet, Lorković was prohibited from engaging in politics at the national level, but was assigned a rather generous pension and provided with a beachfront Dalmatian property as recompense. Croatia’s first post-war cabinet saw Ivan Subašić (who had defected from Yugoslavia as the Communists took control) as President; Vladko Maček as Prime Minister; Ivanko Farolfi as Interior Minister; Ljudevit Tomašić as Deputy Secretary of the HSS; Ante Vokić as Minister of the Armed Forces; Stijepo Perić as Foreign Minister; and Džafer-beg Kulenović in the newly-created post of Minister of Muslim Affairs. Whilst the impact of ‘defašistikacija’ was apparent relatively quickly in the cities, progress was slower in many rural areas. This was largely as a result of the rehabilitation of Ustaše militias into auxiliary units of the Domobranstvo, to be utilised as a means of combating the Communist bands that still roamed much of the countryside, particularly in Bosnia, Herzegovina and the Dalmatian hinterland. These Ustaše bands, known as Križari (‘Crusaders’) would become key actors in the forthcoming war, and were arguably responsible for sparking the conflict. During this time, the British and Commonwealth forces which had helped secure Croatia's newfound freedom were redeployed to Greece, and would be decisive in the victory of the Greek monarchists over the Communist ELAS guerrillas.

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Fanatics such as those pictured comprised much of the membership of the Križari
 
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