Supreme Court with a Kerry Victory in 2004

I've been wargaming what the Supreme Court would look like if John Kerry had been elected in 2004. Some of my scenarios might be a bit different, but for the purpose of this exercise, I want to keep it as close to OTL and plausibility as possible. So: John Kerry is elected President, and we will say that the Senate has a 55-45 Republican majority at the time, as it did in OTL. This could lead to President Kerry choosing more moderate or older nominees who can get through the Senate.

OTL, W. Bush appointed two Justices, John Roberts for Chief Justice William Rehnquist and Samuel Alito for Sandra Day O'Connor. I think Kerry gets two Justices of his own to appoint at a minimum, possibly more. In fact, Kerry could appoint up to five (5) Justices! Which might stretch plausibility, but I do have reasoning.

The four Justices that I think might leave the Court during a Kerry Presidency (one-term):
Chief Justice William Rehnquist (died, Sept. 3rd, 2005).
Associate Justice Sandra Day O'Connor (OTL announced retirement July 1st, '05; departed Jan. 31st, '06).
Associate Justice David Souter (OTL retirement in June of 2009, announced in April '09).
Associate Justice John Paul Stevens (OTL retirement in June of 2010, announced in April of '10).

Going by the numbers:
One Appointment: President Kerry is guaranteed at least one appointment, as Chief Justice Rehnquist dies in September of '05, his health had been failing prior to that, and I don't think you can butterfly that away. There's a number of possibilities for this particular seat, chief of which would be Judge Merrick Garland, D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals (the sheer irony of Chief Justice Garland ITTL when he can't even get a hearing OTL is satisfying). The Garland Court would be a change from the Roberts Court in a number of ways, a significant shift to the left on a number of issues, but not an enormous sea-change.

Two (2) Appointments:
OTL what President Bush received. There are several possibilities.

-Rehnquist, Elevation. Much like Chief Rehnquist himself, President Kerry could elevate one of the sitting Justices to the position of Chief. After some consideration, I came up with four options:
*Stephen Breyer, appointed 1994, age 67;
*Antonin Scalia, appointed 1986, age 69;
*Anthony Kennedy, appointed 1988, age 69;
*Ruth Bader Ginsburg, appointed 1993, age 72.
(Note: these candidates are all dependent on the idea of O'Connor retiring as she did OTL, if she hadn't, O'Connor could very well be a candidate for Chief).
My reasoning behind these four: Breyer would be the youngest, and is well-regarded amongst his peers and in Congress, where he had served on the Senate Judiciary Committee as counsel, he's not an incendiary personality, he's got administrative experience as a former Chief Judge on the First Circuit, he'd also be the first Jewish Chief Justice;
Scalia would be more along the lines of a swap, with Scalia's replacement being a more liberal Justice-likely Garland again, depending on most circumstances-and Democrats could agree noting his age, and the fact that it's possible that, as Chief, Scalia would be ineffective, driving people away from his position, unknown if he would have wanted the position anyways due to administratia;
Kennedy is much like Scalia, only with administrative experience, more perceived moderate views, Democrats would want him as Chief due to the idea that he could be influenced, might be a Burger-style Chief and end up annoying all of the other Justices with his weathervaning;
Ginsburg would be the first-ever female Chief Justice (as well as the first Jewish Chief), her age would be a point for Republicans as it would be expected for her not to serve long in the position, Democrats would happily vote for her, she's shown her skills in keeping the liberal wing intact (OTL), no idea if she would have wanted it, health is a concern.
Souter wouldn't want it and is likely to step down, Stevens is too old, and it would be a frigid day in hell before John Kerry nominated Clarence Thomas for Chief Justice of the Supreme Court; not to mention that the liberal wing of the Democratic Party and women's rights groups would throw an absolute shit fit.
Again, it's unlikely that Kerry can drive through a liberal-conservatives are going to scream about court-packing as it is-but he could get through a moderate or older candidate as a replacement.

-Rehnquist and O'Connor (OTL):
Finding a replacement for O'Connor is going to be pretty easy for Kerry: he has to appoint a woman. Bush could get away with it, I don't think Kerry could. Fortunately, there are a large number of women judges and lawyers available!
If Kerry also wants to put the first Hispanic on the Court at the same time, making it doubly hard to vote against that nominee, he's got really two options: Judge Sonia Sotomayor of the 2nd Circuit, and Judge Kim McLane Wardlaw of the 9th. Sotomayor was the OTL Obama choice, and I feel like she would be here as well: she's qualified, has an interesting backstory, less of a paper trail than in OTL; and while both Sotomayor and Wardlaw were District Judges and have trial-level experience, Sotomayor's appointment by HW Bush gives her a bipartisan heft that Wardlaw doesn't have.
Kerry could also appoint a woman to the Chief's spot, putting potentially four women on the Court at once.
The name that he could choose that would blow everyone's mind? Hillary Rodham Clinton.
Now, this would cause Republicans to perform a bodily function previously thought impossible as they shit themselves sideways and split themselves in half down the middle at the same time. But putting HRC on the Court does a few things: first female Chief Justice (I don't think that Clinton would accept anything less than the Chiefship), an accomplished and talented lawyer, legislative and political experience, and, openly unsaid but present, it removes a rival for the Democratic nomination and a potential Presidential candidate, which Republicans could get behind because it sidelines her from active politics.
Could Kerry muster the political capital and will to push Clinton through? It would be a huge push, but historically, I think he'd benefit, and there's a tradition of Senators granting that courtesy to fellow Senators of approval, though John Tower might have something to say about that.
If Kerry does go HRC for Chief, and double woman, he'd pick Wardlaw for the O'Connor seat, can't put two New Yorkers up.

-Rehnquist and Souter:
Souter had long been tired of Washington, and his retirement in '09 was widely interpreted as him waiting for a Democratic President to appoint his successor. Souter would probably retire as soon as possible. Since he's a member of the "liberal" wing of the Court, President Kerry might actually be able to appoint a liberal to replace him, someone a bit younger, or another first, i.e. the first Hispanic-not necessarily a woman-or the first Asian Justice, the most obvious candidate being Harold Hongju Koh, Dean of Yale Law School. There's also geographic diversity to consider, a potential Western or Southern appointment, and professional diversity, so a politician might work-Jennifer Granholm and Janet Napolitano, Governors of Michigan and Arizona respectively, come to mind; or if you're thinking Senate, maybe Russ Feingold? Kerry could also go with the hometown pick, and choose Judge Sandra Lynch of the First Circuit, who is an older judge as well.

-Rehnquist and Stevens.
The most unlikely combo, as I can't see Souter not retiring, and Stevens wouldn't leave until later in a Kerry Administration, but a possibility. Judge Diane Wood is my favorite to replace Stevens.

Two appointments shifts the Court, no matter what; though clearly Rehnquist-O'Connor is the biggest sea change, replacing the conservative anchor and Chief, and the Court's swing vote, pushes the Court to the left, making either one of the "liberal" Justices the new swing vote, likely creating something of a 6-3 majority.

Three Appointments:
-Rehnquist, Elevation, O'Connor. This is going to have conservatives screaming "Courtpacking!!!" at the top of their lungs, despite the fact that it's a perfectly logical scenario. Kerry would likely have to compromise on who he wants-older judges or lawyers, moderates, though I don't think he'd accept a Republican name as a nominee, unless it's one of the GOP-appointed Justices to elevate and then fill those spots. Maybe an older nominee, a perceived moderate, or someone who wouldn't have been nominated under any other circumstance, like Richard Posner, someone like that. This would be an enormous change-a new Chief, a new swing vote, two new members of the Court.

-Rehnquist, O'Connor, Souter.
Three new appointments. Again, the likelihood is that Kerry can't put an outright liberal in either O'Connor or Rehnquist's seat. The names that suggest themselves to me are, in order, Garland, Sotomayor, Wood.

-Rehnquist, Elevation, Souter.
Maybe the most likely scenario. I feel like O'Connor would be very reluctant to step down with a Democratic President-she did OTL because of her husband's health, maybe she feels like she still has to, that's kind of unquantifiable-but my guess is that if she stayed, Souter's definitely leaving. Again, you're going to see a female nominee for one of these positions, so you have three women on the Court, the first three women on the Court. Breyer I think gets the nod for the Chiefship here.

-Rehnquist, Souter, Stevens.
O'Connor decides to stay on the Court, but three vacancies occur anyways. Not a lot of an ideological swing, aside from Rehnquist's replacement.
Stevens-I don't know if he would retire? He only left in '10 because he found himself slipping mentally, and this is years earlier. He'd complete thirty years on the bench in '06, and he died in '19, so that's OTL 13 years of him being an ex-Justice. I'm assuming you'd get a Republican President in '08, so would he be willing, or indeed able, to wait another 2-6 years to step down?

Four (4) Appointments:
-Rehnquist, O'Connor, Souter, Stevens.
Basically one right after the other: Rehnquist and O'Connor in '05, Souter in '06, Stevens in '07. Again, shifts the Court to the left, but more of a matter of degrees. A Republican Senate isn't going to allow President Kerry to appoint someone like Laurence Tribe to the Court, so you'll be getting more moderate names proposed. Especially after '06, where it's very likely Democrats are going to lose more seats, Stevens' replacement might actually be more conservative than he was.

-Rehnquist, Elevation, O'Connor, Souter.
A very likely scenario to me. Essentially, Kerry's appointments are creating a 6-3 "liberal" majority, the inverse of what we see in OTL today, causing some major ripples. President Kerry would have equalled the appointments of Bush senior and Clinton in numbers, and done in one term what it took President Reagan two. You're not getting the outright liberals again, but certainly you'll see a swing to the left, something like the Burger Court.

-Rehnquist, Elevation, Souter, Stevens.
More unlikely to me, but possible. O'Connor sticking has interesting implications for down the line, depending on how long she stays. But I think this would be something of a more "moderate" Court, narrow decisions and limited movement in either direction.

Five (5) Appointments:
-Rehnquist, Elevation, O'Connor, Souter, Stevens.
The most implausible scenario. The likelihood of 5 Justices retiring in a single term boggles the mind. But if it did happen, John Kerry would be likely the most impactful one-term President ever in terms of the Supreme Court, as he appointed more Justices than anyone since Eisenhower, and the most Democratic appointees since FDR.
 
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Oddly enough, this might be the biggest single effect of a Kerry administration, since in 2008 there'll be a recession, and the after-effects of Katrina, and some sort of scandal involving the VP...
 
Oddly enough, this might be the biggest single effect of a Kerry administration, since in 2008 there'll be a recession, and the after-effects of Katrina, and some sort of scandal involving the VP...

If Kerry handles these problems well, he may be seen as a solid President despite losing in 2008.
 

bguy

Donor
Oddly enough, this might be the biggest single effect of a Kerry administration, since in 2008 there'll be a recession, and the after-effects of Katrina, and some sort of scandal involving the VP...

Do you really think a Republican Congress (that holds 55 seats) is going to approve Kerry's nominations? There was a lot of bitterness in the GOP circa 2004 about the Democrats filibustering Miguel Estrada, so I would expect the GOP to gleefully vote down/filibuster any judicial nominee Kerry puts up that is to the left of Sandra Day O'Conner.
 
Do you really think a Republican Congress (that holds 55 seats) is going to approve Kerry's nominations? There was a lot of bitterness in the GOP circa 2004 about the Democrats filibustering Miguel Estrada, so I would expect the GOP to gleefully vote down/filibuster any judicial nominee Kerry puts up that is to the left of Sandra Day O'Conner.

Supreme Court appointments weren't nearly as polarized in 2005 as they are today (as late as 2009 Lindsey Graham voted for Justice Sotomayor), so I think that Kerry could get Democratic nominees through so long as they aren't liberal firebands. And they really don't have much of an excuse to filibuster the replacement of the Chief Justice.
 
Supreme Court appointments weren't nearly as polarized in 2005 as they are today (as late as 2009 Lindsey Graham voted for Justice Sotomayor), so I think that Kerry could get Democratic nominees through so long as they aren't liberal firebands. And they really don't have much of an excuse to filibuster the replacement of the Chief Justice.
Arlen Specter as Judiciary Chairman also makes a real big difference compared to even a few years later. He isn’t going to straight up not hold a hearing like Chuck Grassley.
 
Arlen Specter as Judiciary Chairman also makes a real big difference compared to even a few years later. He isn’t going to straight up not hold a hearing like Chuck Grassley.

That's a good point. A Kerry victory in '04 could well result in the appointment of the first Democratic Chief Justice in over 50 years. Though would O'Connor still retire if Kerry is elected? There is an anecdote that she was disappointed to hear initial reports that Gore had won in 2000, and only stayed on through Bush's first term so there wouldn't be any appearance of a quid pro quo (i.e. as if she voted to halt the recount so that Bush would appoint her successor).
 

bguy

Donor
Supreme Court appointments weren't nearly as polarized in 2005 as they are today (as late as 2009 Lindsey Graham voted for Justice Sotomayor), so I think that Kerry could get Democratic nominees through so long as they aren't liberal firebands. And they really don't have much of an excuse to filibuster the replacement of the Chief Justice.

Voting for Sotomayer in 2009 was just replacing one liberal justice with another though. It didn't actually effect the balance of power on the court. (And of course Sotomayer was going to get confirmed whether Graham voted for her or not, so Graham's vote didn't really matter.) Letting a liberal justice replace either O'Connor or (especially) Rehnquist is a much bigger deal as that actually flips the balance of the court and that did matter a whole lot to GOP voters even in 2005. (Remember most of the GOP senate was willing to invoke the nuclear option in 2005 to get Bush's circuit court nominees approved which shows that even in 2005 the political climate on judicial nominees was getting really heated.)

Thus while I could see the GOP Senate approving Kerry's replacements for Stevens and Souter (as long as they weren't too left wing), and letting him pick the new Chief Justice (because who really cares who the Chief Justice is), I would expect them to offer ferocious resistance on the replacements to O'Connor and Rehnquist. To do anything less would be to basically surrender on the culture wars which would be devastating to GOP turnout in 2006. (Social conservatives aren't going to show up to vote for the party if it gives away the Supreme Court when it had the votes to prevent it.)

Arlen Specter as Judiciary Chairman also makes a real big difference compared to even a few years later. He isn’t going to straight up not hold a hearing like Chuck Grassley.

Does what the Judiciary Committee does really matter though? Nominees can still be filibustered on the Senate floor (or just straight up voted down) even if they get approved by the Judicial Committee. (And of course with the Republicans having a majority on the Committee there is no guarantee that the Democratic nominations will even get committee approval.) And while there are probably enough moderate GOP Senators to approve Kerry's nominations if they get to a vote, I don't think there are enough moderate Senators to break a filibuster. (And especially not if the GOP has already approved a couple of Kerry's nominations which would give the remaining Senators some cover to argue "we aren't just blocking everything. It's just that this particular nominee is so far out of the mainstream..."
 
Voting for Sotomayer in 2009 was just replacing one liberal justice with another though. It didn't actually effect the balance of power on the court. (And of course Sotomayer was going to get confirmed whether Graham voted for her or not, so Graham's vote didn't really matter.) Letting a liberal justice replace either O'Connor or (especially) Rehnquist is a much bigger deal as that actually flips the balance of the court and that did matter a whole lot to GOP voters even in 2005. (Remember most of the GOP senate was willing to invoke the nuclear option in 2005 to get Bush's circuit court nominees approved which shows that even in 2005 the political climate on judicial nominees was getting really heated.)

Thus while I could see the GOP Senate approving Kerry's replacements for Stevens and Souter (as long as they weren't too left wing), and letting him pick the new Chief Justice (because who really cares who the Chief Justice is), I would expect them to offer ferocious resistance on the replacements to O'Connor and Rehnquist. To do anything less would be to basically surrender on the culture wars which would be devastating to GOP turnout in 2006. (Social conservatives aren't going to show up to vote for the party if it gives away the Supreme Court when it had the votes to prevent it.)



Does what the Judiciary Committee does really matter though? Nominees can still be filibustered on the Senate floor (or just straight up voted down) even if they get approved by the Judicial Committee. (And of course with the Republicans having a majority on the Committee there is no guarantee that the Democratic nominations will even get committee approval.) And while there are probably enough moderate GOP Senators to approve Kerry's nominations if they get to a vote, I don't think there are enough moderate Senators to break a filibuster. (And especially not if the GOP has already approved a couple of Kerry's nominations which would give the remaining Senators some cover to argue "we aren't just blocking everything. It's just that this particular nominee is so far out of the mainstream..."

At the same time, Kerry isn't just going to give in by appointing a Republican. Further, filibustering a Supreme Court nominee isn't like filibustering circuit court nominees. It attracts far more media attention and has a greater impact on jurisprudence. The public backlash against doing so is far stronger (and this is an era where Republicans like Specter were elected from states that leaned Democratic at the time). Filibustering the replacement of a Supreme Court Justice for purely partisan reasons is absolutely something that could have happened in 2005, but is the Senate really going to allow the size of the Supreme Court to shrink from 9 to 7 for four years?
 
There were some close GOP senate wins in 2004. If we're shaking the etch-a-sketch a little it would only take a small swing to see several seats flip. Florida, Kentucky, and South Dakota need a 1-point swing. Alaska needs 2, North Carolina needs 3. Then I think it wouldn't be a huge deal to dig up ten or a dozen moderates and/or principled parliamentarians in that class of Republicans. Especially if O'Connor doesn't retire. Pushing it to three or four would lead us into teeth-skin territory.
 
There's also the 2006 mid-term elections to consider - OTL these flipped the Senate (49 each for Republicans and Democrats, but the two Independents (Sanders/Lieberman) caucused with the Democrats), but a Democrat in the White House is likely to be to the advantage of Republicans in 2006. This, and potentially different results in 2004, would adjust the arithmetic in the Senate.
 
There's also the 2006 mid-term elections to consider - OTL these flipped the Senate (49 each for Republicans and Democrats, but the two Independents (Sanders/Lieberman) caucused with the Democrats), but a Democrat in the White House is likely to be to the advantage of Republicans in 2006. This, and potentially different results in 2004, would adjust the arithmetic in the Senate.
Virginia's on a knife-edge, Montana needs a 1-point swing, Missouri 2, maybe Rhode Island at 4. But other than that this is just a fundamentally good map for the Democrats with pretty easy wins in all other races. And since those four seats were all OTL flips, the Democrats aren't losing their 50, even if they fail to win those four. They crushed in Ohio and PA, putting them at likely 52 seats, or 51 if they didn't take NC in '04. And I still think the fundamentals are against Chafee in RI, even in a more Republican year. So call it 51-53.

What it does do is move the GOP caucus to the right and makes finding 60 votes a little harder.

Or if you wanted to craft a specific scenario where the Republicans really had a wave (rather than just the out-of-power bump) then things could get impossible for Kerry pretty fast.
 
Voting for Sotomayer in 2009 was just replacing one liberal justice with another though. It didn't actually effect the balance of power on the court. (And of course Sotomayer was going to get confirmed whether Graham voted for her or not, so Graham's vote didn't really matter.) Letting a liberal justice replace either O'Connor or (especially) Rehnquist is a much bigger deal as that actually flips the balance of the court and that did matter a whole lot to GOP voters even in 2005. (Remember most of the GOP senate was willing to invoke the nuclear option in 2005 to get Bush's circuit court nominees approved which shows that even in 2005 the political climate on judicial nominees was getting really heated.)

Thus while I could see the GOP Senate approving Kerry's replacements for Stevens and Souter (as long as they weren't too left wing), and letting him pick the new Chief Justice (because who really cares who the Chief Justice is), I would expect them to offer ferocious resistance on the replacements to O'Connor and Rehnquist. To do anything less would be to basically surrender on the culture wars which would be devastating to GOP turnout in 2006. (Social conservatives aren't going to show up to vote for the party if it gives away the Supreme Court when it had the votes to prevent it.)



Does what the Judiciary Committee does really matter though? Nominees can still be filibustered on the Senate floor (or just straight up voted down) even if they get approved by the Judicial Committee. (And of course with the Republicans having a majority on the Committee there is no guarantee that the Democratic nominations will even get committee approval.) And while there are probably enough moderate GOP Senators to approve Kerry's nominations if they get to a vote, I don't think there are enough moderate Senators to break a filibuster. (And especially not if the GOP has already approved a couple of Kerry's nominations which would give the remaining Senators some cover to argue "we aren't just blocking everything. It's just that this particular nominee is so far out of the mainstream..."
The 2016 filibuster worked because Garland never even got a hearing. Specter can hold a hearing, and I argue would, and then the politics of refusing to even vote on the candidate get much harder. I agree Garland is a likely pick given his record and already getting an affirmative vote from a Republican Congress in 1997. 1997 to 2005 isn’t the same as 1997 to 2015.
 
I think Kerry gets 3 appointments - Rehnquist, O'Connor, and Souter or Stephens.

There is not a viable justice to elevate to replace Rehnquist. As others have identified, Garland is certainly a front runner, as are Sotomayor and Diane Wood. I would anticipate Kerry names Wood - she would become the first woman Chief Justice, and it makes opposition to her in the Senate more difficult. I then believe he'd pick Garland to replace O'Connor. It would be seen as an ideological foil to O'Connor. Where she was a generally reliable conservative who on occasion voted with the liberal wing of the Court, Garland would be expected to be a fairly liberal justice who may on some issues side with the right.

I do not envision opposition big enough to stop either confirmation. The reality is, our politics were not what they are today - even then. Roberts got 23 Democratic votes. Sotomayor got 9 Republican votes.

Republicans serving between 2005 and 2007 whom I would expect to consider voting for a Kerry nominee: Lamar Alexander (voted for Sotomayor), Kit Bond (voted for Sotomayor), Lincoln Chafee (pretty centrist Republican), Susan Collins (voted for Sotomayor), Pete Domenici (long-serving member who voted for Ginsburg and Breyer), Lindsey Graham (voted for Sotomayor), Judd Gregg (voted for Sotomayor), Dick Lugar (voted for Sotomayor), Mel Martinez (voted for Sotomayor), Gordon Smith (center-right Republican who'd want to avoid unnecessary controversy ahead of an 08 reelection campaign), Olympia Snowe (voted for Sotomayor), Arlen Specter (voted for Sotomayor/was a Republican in 05), and George Voinovich (voted for Sotomayor).

That's 13 Republican votes (assuming the same Senate make-up). You had very close Senate elections in 2004 in AK, KY, FL, and SD. If Kerry is winning by performing better nationally, that probably drags Daschle and Betty Castor over the finish line. Now, Martinez voted for Sotomayor so he's not necessarily a gain, but Democrats would pick-up Daschle's vote. That gives you a 53-47 Senate.

Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist is not going to adopt a no-hearing/no-vote policy and Arlen Specter (then a Republican) is the Chairman, as someone else pointed out, and is absolutely going to have a traditional confirmation process.

Now, in either a 55-45 (no changes to 04 map) Senate or 53-47 (FL/SD swapped in 04), Kerry needs 3-5 Republican votes with 13 to choose from. Of the 13, I think Chafee, Collins, Smith, Snowe, and Specter are pretty safe bets. And I think Domenici, Gregg, and Martinez (if he's there) are pretty likely. In short, I think it gets done. And that's enough to give you a 6-3 Supreme Court that sides with the liberals in the majority of cases.

The interesting question is if Breyer or Stephens retires in 2007.

In the 2006 Midterms, Democrats picked up 5 seats. I honestly think the most likely midterm scenario is a wash. If anything, Democrats may pick-up one seat (Rhode Island) as part of the natural realigning happening. New Jersey was the only Democratic incumbent who won by less than 10-points, and Menendez carried it by 9%. I'm not sure you'd see significant backlash to Kerry because he wouldn't have a bold legislative agenda except around Iraq (where the country would be with him) because he wouldn't be starting with Democratic Congresses.

The key change will be McConnell taking the helm as Senate leader. That is a significant change in outlook with a Maj. Leader laser-focused on the courts. That said, if Souter or Stephens leave in 07 ... the Republicans could be hard-pressed to justify keeping a seat open for two years.
 
O’Connor would be highly unlikely to retire under Kerry, but Rehnquist passing plus Stevens and Souter wanting out - particularly the latter after Bush v Gore - still gives him three picks and a replenished liberal majority.
It probably also keeps Kennedy as a slightly more conservative vote, as he’s no longer in the swing role he relished.
 
O’Connor would be highly unlikely to retire under Kerry, but Rehnquist passing plus Stevens and Souter wanting out - particularly the latter after Bush v Gore - still gives him three picks and a replenished liberal majority.
It probably also keeps Kennedy as a slightly more conservative vote, as he’s no longer in the swing role he relished.

If the economy still tanks in 2008, I imagine that O'Connor will get her chance (either under President McCain, or GWB if he pulls a Cleveland. I honestly could see this happening if Kerry had won the electoral vote but lost the popular vote).
 

bguy

Donor
I do not envision opposition big enough to stop either confirmation. The reality is, our politics were not what they are today - even then. Roberts got 23 Democratic votes. Sotomayor got 9 Republican votes.

But again in neither of those cases did the new justice change the ideological composition of the court. That's a much bigger deal than just replacing one conservative justice with another conservative or one liberal justice with another liberal.

And besides it's not like there isn't already precedent at this point on the Congress giving a president hell on getting his Supreme Court picks through when it is controlled by the opposite party. The Democrats voted down Nixon's first two Supreme Court picks in 1969, and it likewise took Reagan three tries to get someone appointed 1987 in the face of a Democratic Senate. The reason most Supreme Court nominations have gotten through without too much trouble is because most of them have occurred when the president and the Senate were controlled by the same party. When the other party controls the Senate, it becomes much, much harder to get your nominees through.

Republicans serving between 2005 and 2007 whom I would expect to consider voting for a Kerry nominee: Lamar Alexander (voted for Sotomayor), Kit Bond (voted for Sotomayor), Lincoln Chafee (pretty centrist Republican), Susan Collins (voted for Sotomayor), Pete Domenici (long-serving member who voted for Ginsburg and Breyer), Lindsey Graham (voted for Sotomayor), Judd Gregg (voted for Sotomayor), Dick Lugar (voted for Sotomayor), Mel Martinez (voted for Sotomayor), Gordon Smith (center-right Republican who'd want to avoid unnecessary controversy ahead of an 08 reelection campaign), Olympia Snowe (voted for Sotomayor), Arlen Specter (voted for Sotomayor/was a Republican in 05), and George Voinovich (voted for Sotomayor).

That's 13 Republican votes (assuming the same Senate make-up). You had very close Senate elections in 2004 in AK, KY, FL, and SD. If Kerry is winning by performing better nationally, that probably drags Daschle and Betty Castor over the finish line. Now, Martinez voted for Sotomayor so he's not necessarily a gain, but Democrats would pick-up Daschle's vote. That gives you a 53-47 Senate.

You identify 13 possible Republican votes. I'm skeptical that every one of those would be willing to vote for a nominee that would shift the ideological balance of the court. (Bond for instance voted in favor of the constitutional amendment to ban same sex marriage. Do you really think the man that did that is going to vote to approve replacing Rehnquist and O'Connor with liberal justices? Likewise Graham is from a very red state. Do you really think he wants to have to explain in his next primary why he voted for the Supreme Court nominee who was the deciding vote in declaring the 2nd Amendment not an individual right and declaring there is a constitutional right to same sex marriage.)

But lets say you are right and every one of those 13 would be willing to vote for Kerry's picks. Lets also say that the Democrats do win the SD and FL senate seats making it a 53-47 Senate (albeit at the cost of losing Martinez from the Republican 13.) 47 Democrats + 12 Republicans is 59 Senators. That's exactly one short of what you would need to break a filibuster. Who do you think is going to be that 60th vote? (And especially with them knowing that they will be the 60th vote and thus are going to take 10 times the heat that the other Republican crossovers did.)

Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist is not going to adopt a no-hearing/no-vote policy and Arlen Specter (then a Republican) is the Chairman, as someone else pointed out, and is absolutely going to have a traditional confirmation process.

Now, in either a 55-45 (no changes to 04 map) Senate or 53-47 (FL/SD swapped in 04), Kerry needs 3-5 Republican votes with 13 to choose from. Of the 13, I think Chafee, Collins, Smith, Snowe, and Specter are pretty safe bets. And I think Domenici, Gregg, and Martinez (if he's there) are pretty likely. In short, I think it gets done. And that's enough to give you a 6-3 Supreme Court that sides with the liberals in the majority of cases.

That's enough votes for confirmation but not enough to break a filibuster. And it's not like the Democrats have much room to complain about the Republicans filibustering their picks since the Democrats themselves were filibustering multiple Republican judicial nominees just the year before.

The interesting question is if Breyer or Stephens retires in 2007.

In the 2006 Midterms, Democrats picked up 5 seats. I honestly think the most likely midterm scenario is a wash. If anything, Democrats may pick-up one seat (Rhode Island) as part of the natural realigning happening. New Jersey was the only Democratic incumbent who won by less than 10-points, and Menendez carried it by 9%. I'm not sure you'd see significant backlash to Kerry because he wouldn't have a bold legislative agenda except around Iraq (where the country would be with him) because he wouldn't be starting with Democratic Congresses.

The key change will be McConnell taking the helm as Senate leader. That is a significant change in outlook with a Maj. Leader laser-focused on the courts. That said, if Souter or Stephens leave in 07 ... the Republicans could be hard-pressed to justify keeping a seat open for two years.

I don't know. The public at large doesn't seem to care too much about vacancies on the Supreme Court. (Hence why the GOP didn't really face any blowback in 2016 over denying Garland a hearing.) Conversely, there is a large segment of the GOP base that the courts are their most important issue. Thus if you are a Republican senator facing reelection in 2008 or who has presidential ambitions that year the politically smart move is to continue to filibuster since you'll take far more heat from your base for "losing the Supreme Court" then you will from the public at large for continuing to filibuster. (And that's especially true once the economy crashes, because at that point the general public isn't going to care about anything but the economy, whereas those base voters are still going to be intensely passionate about the Supreme Court.)
 
But again in neither of those cases did the new justice change the ideological composition of the court. That's a much bigger deal than just replacing one conservative justice with another conservative or one liberal justice with another liberal.

I think you're applying present-day logic to 2004, and I don't think you can. There was not a hyper sensitivity around the Supreme Court, except by the fringe Right, until the 2016 election.

You identify 13 possible Republican votes. I'm skeptical that every one of those would be willing to vote for a nominee that would shift the ideological balance of the court. (Bond for instance voted in favor of the constitutional amendment to ban same sex marriage. Do you really think the man that did that is going to vote to approve replacing Rehnquist and O'Connor with liberal justices? Likewise Graham is from a very red state. Do you really think he wants to have to explain in his next primary why he voted for the Supreme Court nominee who was the deciding vote in declaring the 2nd Amendment not an individual right and declaring there is a constitutional right to same sex marriage.)

But lets say you are right and every one of those 13 would be willing to vote for Kerry's picks. Lets also say that the Democrats do win the SD and FL senate seats making it a 53-47 Senate (albeit at the cost of losing Martinez from the Republican 13.) 47 Democrats + 12 Republicans is 59 Senators. That's exactly one short of what you would need to break a filibuster. Who do you think is going to be that 60th vote? (And especially with them knowing that they will be the 60th vote and thus are going to take 10 times the heat that the other Republican crossovers did.)

I direct you to Sam Alito's nomination. Alito was opposed by 41 Democrats and 1 Republican. However, there were only 24 votes in favor of filibustering his nomination. There was a genuine concern of the political costs. And this was not measured in the way it was today. Until the Scalia vacancy, the political calculation at the time was that any party seen as explicitly politicizing the Court would face consequences.

Of course, Ralph Reed and some Republican senators are going to raise hell, but aligning with them would not be seen as a political expeditious thing to do. Specifically, you mention Graham. Of course, the dynamics of South Carolina and Pennsylvania are different, but at this time Santorum was a US Senator from Pennsylvania and had been reelected in 2000 by a fairly comfortable margin. And the Republican Party of PA is to the right of the statewide electorate as a whole. In 2004, Arlen Specter had survived a challenge from a far-right primary challenger, Pat Toomey.

2004 is prior to the 2010/2012 Tea Party wave when you saw Senators like Bob Bennett and Dick Lugar go down in flames. Graham had a pretty strong conservative reputation and this was - at the time - considered a process issue.

That's enough votes for confirmation but not enough to break a filibuster. And it's not like the Democrats have much room to complain about the Republicans filibustering their picks since the Democrats themselves were filibustering multiple Republican judicial nominees just the year before.

As others have said, I think you are conflating lower court nominations and Supreme Court nominations. Yes, Democrats were filibustering some Republican lower court nominees, but by in large they were not, and a filibuster of a Supreme Court nominee was anathema to half the caucus for Alito, who - at the time - was an extremely contentious nomination. And, I would argue, this was a time when Democrats were particularly emboldened as Miers had just gone down in flames.

Even the Clarence Thomas nomination, arguably the most contentious nomination in the pre-Garland era, was not filibustered. A vote to send him to the full Senate with a favorable recommendation had failed in the Judiciary Committee. And yet, the idea of denying his nomination cloture was seen as too politically costly.

I don't know. The public at large doesn't seem to care too much about vacancies on the Supreme Court. (Hence why the GOP didn't really face any blowback in 2016 over denying Garland a hearing.) Conversely, there is a large segment of the GOP base that the courts are their most important issue. Thus if you are a Republican senator facing reelection in 2008 or who has presidential ambitions that year the politically smart move is to continue to filibuster since you'll take far more heat from your base for "losing the Supreme Court" then you will from the public at large for continuing to filibuster. (And that's especially true once the economy crashes, because at that point the general public isn't going to care about anything but the economy, whereas those base voters are still going to be intensely passionate about the Supreme Court.)

This is a lesson that we know to be true now, but I argue was not known then. It was not until the norms around SCOTUS nominations were shattered with Scalia's death that these truths became known. I still remember when that happened and everyone thought it was a political mistake. Instead, it worked. But the conventional wisdom was not there, and I think it took a Majority Leader willing to go there in order for everyone to learn that lesson. Up until then, the thought was that voters would punish you for "politicizing the Court."
 
“On December 12, 2000, The Wall Street Journal reported that O'Connor was reluctant to retire with a Democrat in the presidency: "At an Election Night party at the Washington, D.C., home of Mary Ann Stoessel, widow of former Ambassador Walter Stoessel, the justice's husband, John O'Connor, mentioned to others her desire to step down, according to free witnesses. But Mr. O'Connor said his wife would be reluctant to retire if a Democrat were in the White House and would choose her replacement. Justice O'Connor declined to comment."[87]

“At an election night party, O'Connor became upset when the media initially announced that Gore had won Florida, her husband explaining that they would have to wait another four years before retiring to Arizona.[76]

“Later, court personnel, as well as Ron Klain, speculated that there was an unspoken understanding that the judges on the winning side would not retire until after the next election, as a way of preserving some sense of fairness. Indeed, no Supreme Court justices retired during President Bush's first term.[1]

I think exists a strong possibility that O’Connor waits until 2009 before retiring, to give a GOP presidency the opportunity to nominate her successor.

“Long before the election of President Obama, Souter had expressed a desire to leave Washington, D.C., and return to New Hampshire.[39][40] The election of a Democratic president in 2008 made Souter more inclined to retire, but he did not want to create a situation in which there would be multiple vacancies at once.[41] Souter apparently became satisfied that no other justices planned to retire at the end of the Supreme Court's term in June 2009.[41]

As Rehnquist died in 2005 probably Souter would retire in 2006 or maybe in 2007 if he thinks the midterm could turn blue (although I think it’s hard).

“On April 9, 2010, Stevens announced his intention to retire from the Supreme Court;[31]he subsequently retired on June 29 of that year.[32] Stevens said that his decision to retire from the Court was initially triggered when he stumbled on several sentences when delivering his oral dissent in the 2010 landmark case Citizens United v. FEC.[9] Stevens said "I took that as a warning sign that maybe I've been around longer than I should."[33]

This could rule out a Stevens retirement before 2010, I think.

So, in conclusion Kerry could get two appointments: Chief Judge after Rehnquist’s death and one Associate Judge if Souter choses to retire earlier.
 

Deleted member 109224

Souter and Stevens might both retire, as they did so within two years of Obama winning OTL. Rehnquist will likely pass away on schedule.

O'Connor isn't retiring under a Democratic President.

O'Connor would be a decent nominee for Chief. Her ability to assign opinions might shift the court a wee bit to the left, and Burger already began deputizing her in conference in the 80s. But I could see her being unwilling to assume the extra workload if it means less time with her husband.

Kerry's nominees might not get filibustered, but that doesn't mean they'll get the 50 votes + VP Tiebreaker. Chafee, Specter, Collins, Snowe, McCain, Warner, and Graham (the 7 Republican members of the Gang of 14) aren't going to defect and screw their party over in the confirmation process. It's more likely that they'd cut a deal in the Senate - Kerry can replace a liberal like Souter or Stevens with a more moderate pick. It's worth noting that there were a lot of 7-2s where Souter and Breyer joined the 5 more conservative nominees. Plus Ginsburg and Breyer were both seen as relatively pro-police and inclined towards narrow opinions - not activist liberals on the bench.

Running through Bill Clinton's list for the Breyer and Ginsburg seats; and Obama's Kagan and Sotomayor seat lists ... I'd consider these names
Jose Cabranes
of the Second Circuit - Moderate, conservative on a few issues, but a diverse pick. Likely an easy confirmation.
Merrick Garland of the DC Circuit - Moderate and an easy confirmation. Folks like Hatch said he'd be a good Souter replacement OTL.
Amalya Kearse of the Second Circuit - A Carter Appointee who retired in 2002 OTL, but Clinton and Obama had her on their lists. She's a moderate Republican and would be the first black woman on the bench.

If Kerry wants somebody outright liberal to be on the bench (Diane Wood? Sonia Sotomayor?) or to bump up Ginsburg to be chief, the GOP would extract a high price for going along with it.
 
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