The Prophet's Voice Fell to Silence: No Islam TL

Kosta

Banned
Ah, research. I love it so. Especially when I get to go and spend hours at Barnes and Noble tomorrow (Must not forget Pen+Paper).

Though, as I mentioned before I am certainly not a complete expert on this era in history and if anyone knows of any good sources please feel free to share! Right now I am nailing down what the Byzantine army of this period would be like. Surprisingly, (sarcasm) alot of what I looked at is more on the Theme. The Army should be something Justinian, but a century later. I can't seem to find any reforms that Heraclius may have made BEFORE the Arab invasions.

The search goes on.

Lost to the West by: Lars Brownworth. Brownworth is brilliant.
 
The Masters of the City of Constantine: Emperors of Constantinople
Chapter: The Reign of Constans II
by Gerald Thorovold


The Reign of Constans II began shortly after the death of his father, Constantine III, in 641 CE due to Tuberculosis, but prominent health issues always plagued the family of a Heraclius. On his Ascension as Emperor, he was only eleven years of age and as such until he became of age (648) he was under the regency of the Patriarch of Constantinople, Paul II. Of course, as with many young kings in history, the court in Constantinople became a battleground of political infighting as prominent persons within the Empire battled to gain political influence with and over the young Emperor. The Patriarch Paul though managed to maintain the stability of Constans' reign and his own influence, pressuring the the Slavs and other tribes on the Danube border and halting the expansion of the Lombards for a time in Italy. Tasks that would be picked up shortly by Constans himself.

Hexagram-Constans_II_and_Constantine_IV-sb0995.jpg


The peace with the Tapurianis was maintained in part as war weariness in the East still persisted, a lack of confrontation on the part of the Tapurianis, and it was perceived that threats to the West were of more urgent in nature. During his reign he reconquered the rest of lost Byzantine territory south of the Danube (with exception to a enclave in Epirus) and expanded north of the Danube, breaking and briefly conquering the Slavs of Slavakia and diminished the Avar Khaganate in campaigns from 645-652. As a unexpected consequence of his actions and to show future events to come under his successors, the Bulgar Khaganate moved into the region as well, conquering the Avars and several Slavic tribes-settling from the Pannonia Plan to the Black Sea north of the Danube river. An attempt by the Avars to reassert their Independence in the closing years of the 7th Century would fail and from then on the region would become known as 'Bulgaria'.

Securing Byzantine interests in the Haemus Peninsula the Emperor took a break from border affairs and during a period of external inactivity he turned to domestic affairs. Namely, the state of Monothelitism. Initially, Monothelitism had been pressed as an 'Doctrine of One Will' by heads in the church, and briefly endorsed by Heraclius, to fix the divide between the Imperial Christians who believed in dyothelitism or that Christ had Two Natures (not to be confused with the Church of the East's views on a stronger divide between Human Jesus and Divine Christ, and their views on the title of Mary) and the Miaphysites who believed a single Christ-being. The divide between Imperial Christians and Miaphysites had only grown following Heraclius, notably under the reign of Constantine III who generally persecuted the Miaphysites during the War of Three Sons. By this time during the reign of Constans the policy of Monothelitism was all but, dead on its feet as by this point Pope Theodore, and the Patriarchs of the East disfavored it. Patriarch Paul had been a Monothelite and his support kept persecution against the creed, but his successor Pyhrrus by his appointment in 653 was not.

Fed up with the infighting the creed produced, and perhaps preparing for his campaigns in Italy, Constans declared his own end of support for Monothelitism to end the debate. Though, he did not really pursue an active condemnation of the Monothelites and Miaphysites (who themselves often enough did not agree with the Monothelites) possibly preventing an revolt in the East.

In 654 Constans began to make moves toward retaking the Italian Peninsula from the hands of the Arian Lombards under Rodoald, preparing for campaigns in 658. While, a known seeker of woman he built upon the efforts of his father, Rothari, who had sorely reduced Byzantine holdings in Italy to Ravenna, Rome, Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and small holds on the toe and heel of the peninsula. To attack any of the Byzantine islands was unfeasible as the Byzantine navy ruled the waves. The West Franks and East Franks were once more divided and at war with one another as Palace politics lead to yet another generational conflict that left the stage of fighting in Italy only between Rodoald and Constans.

The Constans Campaign started intially with Constans naming his oldest son, Tiberius[1], Co-Emperor to maintain affairs in Constantinople while he campaigned in the West. He also killed his younger brother Theodosius to ensure the stability of his regime, thus continuing a trend of fratricide that had started under his father. Gathering the army he sailed to Ravenna and Sicily. Drawing up support from the Exarch of Carthage he maintained his center of operations in Sicily where Byzantine naval superiority could best maintain operations in the region. Launching a two pronged attack in 659 his forces in Ravenna attacked Rodoald in North Italy while he lead an assault in the south against the Duchy of Benevento. While fighting in the North became a stand still, initially Constans managed to overrun large portions of southern Italy from 659-663, before a period of stormy weather weakened his supply line and forced him to give up most of his initial gains after an offensive by Rodoald brought the Lombard to the gates of Ravenna.

The fighting ended in a stalemate, greatly frustrating Constans who had done so well in the Haemus Peninsula. Perhaps taking and blaming his failures on part on his Italian subjects he visited Rome and Ravenna, stripping the cities of much of their local wealth, stripping bronze from the Pantheon and other local monuments, which he shipped back to Constantinople. Further frustrations in Italy lead to conflict with the Romans as he ordered the Pope to be subordinate to the Archbishop of Ravenna, who was his local representative. Were Rome not on a knife's edge between the Lombards and Emperor the city may have revolted.

From 665-668 he once more planned to invade Italy, but other border issues he had allowed to pop up during his attention toward Italy once more emerged. Bulgars began attacks on the Byzantines in the Haemus, forcing the Byzantines to lose their holdings north of the Danube. The Visigoths became ambitious and raided the coastline of Africa. The Ghassanids who had been alienated by Constantine III made raids into the Diocese of the East. Constans would travel back and forth across the sea putting out these small fires that popped up personally. In 672 rumors spread that he planned to move his capital to Syracuse so that he could once more invade Italy and position his administration to handle concerns in both East and West. This created a riot in Constantinople, which Constans decided he would personally put down. During a battle in the streets of the city he was ambushed and killed or perhaps assassinated.

Nonetheless, Tiberius shortly after proclaimed himself the sole Emperor and had his brother, Justinian II [2], killed to ensure his own security.

[1]-Not OTL Tiberius.
[2]- Not OTL Justinian II.
 
Didn't John own the east?

Redacted due to Controversy. And those events occurred in the 680s.

While John still managed to rebel with the Diocese of the East/Egypt during the War of Three Sons (630s), his grandson John has yet to make an appearance.


Also, that we have moved into the realm of ATL Emperors a balance needs to be maintained between Bad Asses and Crazy Emperors.
 
Last edited:
Originally posted by King of Malta
As a unexpected consequence of his actions and to show future events to come under his successors, the Bulgar Khaganate moved into the region as well, conquering the Avars and several Slavic tribes-settling from the Pannonia Plan to the Black Sea north of the Danube river. An attempt by the Avars to reassert their Independence in the closing years of the 7th Century would fail and from then on the region would become known as 'Bulgaria'.

Aahh! Bulgaria land of yoghourts and fierce warriors:D

I smell here with the bulgars like OTL a source of danger and future wars.

We don't have muslim arabs, but we have bulgars and Tapurianis.

But naturally there is not the fantastic arab expansion, so we have a more Byzantine Italy and at least for the moment it seems that Eastern Mediterranean is a byzantine lake.
 
Aahh! Bulgaria land of yoghourts and fierce warriors:D

I smell here with the bulgars like OTL a source of danger and future wars.

We don't have muslim arabs, but we have bulgars and Tapurianis.

But naturally there is not the fantastic arab expansion, so we have a more Byzantine Italy and at least for the moment it seems that Eastern Mediterranean is a byzantine lake.

Unless, someone comes along and messes things up. :D

Granted, the Byzantines will more be able to secure their Balkans position so the city will get attacked less. North Africa and Anatolia are under minor threat. Slavs south of the Danube become Hellenized/Clients. Italy and the East are still battleground areas where Byzantine influence is weakest/periphrary areas which even OTL are always prone to invasion given they are right next to areas of organized, large, Non-Rhomaion populations (Lombards/Franks/Germanics and Persians and to a minor extent Arabians and Turkics).
 
it also gives the empire ample time to rebuild the 28,000 strong limes of Egypt. A more raiding Ghassanids mean a more powerful and experienced oriental Army with reinforcement.
 
it also gives the empire ample time to rebuild the 28,000 strong limes of Egypt. A more raiding Ghassanids mean a more powerful and experienced oriental Army with reinforcement.

I need to find the Strategikon by Emperor Maurice. That is how I can get the best picture of the East Roman Military at this point.
 
Is Declaring Heterodoxy to the no imperial church a good temporary solution. I feel that they simply need to call of finding a solution for the time being.

For Tiberios, would he now try and heal the rifts created by his grandfather since he might now have some time to focus on the internal and not the external for a while.
 
Is Declaring Heterodoxy to the no imperial church a good temporary solution. I feel that they simply need to call of finding a solution for the time being.

For Tiberios, would he now try and heal the rifts created by his grandfather since he might now have some time to focus on the internal and not the external for a while.

Perhaps for the time being, but it depends on the temperament of Tiberius and those who come after him. Those who are in power in other places. External and Internal factors that could lead the religious conflict to explode or mend.

Given by this point the two sides had not mended leads me to be inclined that something could not be managed. We do know that the Miaphysites did suffer persecution as a result of their beliefs. I am inclined to believe that the only reason the Orthodox and Oriental churches had a friendly relationship eventually was due to the Advent of Islam.
 
First Year of the Reign of Emperor Tiberius (Tiberios)
Household of the Exarch
Carthage, Exarchate of Africa


"Greetings, Exarch." Adrian bowed low to the single most powerful man standing on the northern coast of Africa. Adrian spoke with a mangled accent in Greek, one that spoke of his local half-Roman, half-Amazigh heritage. "I hope your journey to the city of Constantine went well..."

"I have your greeting and I return it to you. Come, take a seat. You are guest and friend in my house this night." Theodore smiled from his divan, waving forward a male slave of clear Amazigh descent forward with a glass of wine. Parts of the skin of his face and hands showed a faint tinge of blue. His appearance took Adrian back a moment. He wondered if the Exarch knew he had one of the Imuhagh of the Tinariwen.

Probably not. The Exarch was a foreigner of some place Adrian would never see. That did not matter tonight anyway.

"As for my trip...it could go as well as someone stuck on a floating piece of wood for days on end and then to only stay on land for a day or so to bow to a distant relative and then immediately leave." Theodore shook his head and took a sip of his wine.

"Do you not like the new Emperor?" Adrian asked not out of curiosity.

"It is not that I do not like him. He is somewhat like his father, but unlike Constans he seemed to be much more less inclined as his father. The Lord and Son know that declaring he would never leave his capital put to rest the angry spirits Constans dragged around." Theodore grimaced "It seems all the new Emperors are making a habit of killing their family. Given that I am a Heraclian, though not of the direct line, does give me some worry that he may see me as a threat." That interested Adrian.

"So, you do not think the Emperor will carry on the Italian campaigns?" Adrian looked away for a moment as he sipped his wine again. Pretending to admire the decorations.

"Ah, yes for that I can tell you I am grateful." the Exarch's mood lifted "No more Emperor breathing down my neck. I can conduct my business over my realm as much as I want! For that your people-" there it was. Theodore did not see himself as one with the people of the region. "-can be at east about this Greek business. If you want to speak Latin then go right ahead. No matter what Bishop Victor says."

"Ah, yes. I for one am grateful for your benevolent administration for this..."

From there the night proceeded on for a few hours more. Regaling Adrian with tales of his father Gregory and how he had served for Constans and Constantine. Of his family's ancestral lands in Cappadocia and before that in Armenia. In turn Adrian had told the Exarch a few local tales and of his own hunts along the fertile land and desert edge. He invited the Exarch to his people's lands and he would convey his words to his king after seeing to his estate to the south. Leaving he had his slave, Sammac, bring up his horse and the two of them rode toward the estate of a family friend. As he rode he thought about the things the Exarch had said. The wars of Constans had seen his people's wealth become disrupted as the Emperor threw away local wealth to fund his campaigns. The Exarch had used the time to extort more tribute from his cousin the King of the Dolres. It had not sat well with his family and tribe. Ultimately though he decided that it would be best to wait and see how the new Emperor reacted, if he became incompetent or unstable then his king could bring war to the Exarch.

[I am tempted to do a sort of prose, Generations Storyline sort of deal.]
 
Last edited:
Originally posted by King of Malta
"So, you do not think the Emperor will carry on the Italian campaigns?" Adrian looked away for a moment as he sipped his wine again. Pretending to admire the decorations.

"Ah, yes for that I can tell you I am grateful." the Exarch's mood lifted "No more Emperor breathing down my neck. I can conduct my business over my realm as much as I want! For that your people-" there it was. Theodore did not see himself as one with the people of the region. "-can be at east about this Greek business. If you want to speak Latin then go right ahead. No matter what Bishop Victor says."

So status quo for the moment with the lombards.
 
So status quo for the moment with the lombards.

More or less.

Also,


The Masters of the City of Constantine: Emperors of Constantinople.
Chapter: The Reign of Tiberius I (Tiberios I) the Lame.
by Gerald Thorovold

Tiberius’ reign is noted for being one of the least military aggressive periods for the Byzantine Empire. Tiberius’ attitude and manner is perhaps influenced by the overly military aggressive campaigns of his father, Constans II, which resulted in fruitless gains in Italy and a depleted treasury. To say that during his reign the Byzantines faced military deprecating times and to say he was not a good military leader though would be untrue. While Tiberius certainly was very vocal in his desire to not run into fights, wars certainly found him to which he trounced nearly all opponents he faced. This and the fact that he was wounded fighting in the Balkans prior to his reign as Emperor also is the source of his title ‘the Lame’.

Prior to his father’s death he ruled as Co-Emperor with Constans. While his father campaigned across the map of the Empire, it was Tiberius who sat in Constantinople as the go-to Emperor to which he answered many of the domestic and local political issues his father was not available for. Theophilus the Silent wrote that while Constans lost himself in a sea of righteous blood, it was Tiberius who ruled over the Empire as a Solomon. Indicating he was involved in settling law disputes.

The sole reign of Tiberius began on the streets of Constantinople when he received word that his father had been wounded. The Emperor Constans did not immediately die of his wound, taken to his residence he later died of his wounds (noted as being the only few Heraclians to do so) by which time Tiberius had already put down the civil riot and had secured allegiance and recognition of the Senate and regional commanders. One of his first acts as sole Emperor was to seize his younger brother Justinian and force him to starve to death in prison, as he had no desire to spill his brother’s blood. He would take custody of Justinian’s children, one being the future Emperor Heraclius II Constantine, and exiled to a small island in the Aegean sea his younger sister, Fabia.

Secure in his rule he would not have to deal with a major military threat for the next six years, during which he made it important to improve the architecture of Constantinople, the Tiberian era architecture of Constantinople are noted for their grandeur, so much so that over the years only a few examples have survived intact. He also improved on the infrastructure of the Praetorian Prefecture of Illyricum and parts of the Praetorian Prefecture of the East. He is lauded by Theophilus and other writers as the ‘Educator of the Slavs’, in that he made impressive inroads into assimilating the Slavs south of the Danube that had come under Byzantine rule or as semi-autonomous client states. While his father and grandfather had fought to dominate the Danube border, it would be Tiberius who would secure its people truly as Rhomaions for the upcoming centuries.

In 678 he set sail for Ravenna in his first major military campaign that did not involve pushing off the Bulgars or seeing to Arab or Lombard raids. King Rodoald I, the Lombard who had so frustrated Tiberius’ father, had died and his two sons now fought for his throne. In a short military campaign Tiberius supported the ascension of King Romuald who promised peace, the rights of the Catholics within his realm, and a tribute to the Byzantines. No sooner than he had finished his work he received news that the Diocese of the East had openly revolted against his rule.

The Monophysite issue long never settled within the Empire had blown into civil revolt once more. The root of this revolt being the consequence of a zealous Imperial Christian prefect in Aleppo who torched an entire neighborhood after an attack by the Arab, Monophysite, Ghassanids. The people had revolted and from the east, from Tapuriani Persia, a man claiming to be the grandson of the usurper John who had lead the Diocese of the East against Constantine III stepped forth and proclaimed himself Emperor in Antioch. Though, the whole Diocese of the East did not immediately rebel against the Empire. Only the region in Northern Syria revolted, though would-be-crusaders certainly caused riots in other parts of the Diocese. Alarmed, Tiberius moved his army to Cyprus and Cilicia after a short naval battle with a rebel navy fleet that gained him naval superiority. He called for aid from the Diocese of Egypt, but the presiding Augustal Prefect sent word that he could not as many of the local politicians and military commanders had decided to rebel or sit out the fighting. The question of loyalty had grinded the entire region to a halt, revolt was not yet ripe in the hearts of the entire population-the scars of the past wars still marked the area.

Tiberius quickly lead his forces into the region and much as that had occurred during the War of Three Sons, Tiberius quickly surrounded and decimated the Usurper’s army in fighting surrounding Antioch. The Usurper quickly gave flight and sped back east toward Persian Asuristan, to which Tiberius gave a hasty chase with his army to run down the Would-Be-Heraclian. Despite the fact that reports came in that the Tapurianis were massing their own troops on the respective border area, it looked like the Persians might invade. Though, Tiberius could not catch up with the Usurper as he crossed the border south of Circeisium, but while Tiberius’ army halted something unexpected happened. The Tapuriani army engaged the Usurper’s forces not long after they crossed into Persian Asuristan and beat them. The Tapurianis sent a messenger to Tiberius wishing a fruitful peace between Constantinople and Kum. Historians have long pondered what the motives of the Tapurianis were, if they decided to cut loose their failed pawn or if the Usurper had acted without their consent. The premature nature of the Usurper’s rebellion seems to favor the later.

Or perhaps it was a show of force to the Byzantines.

Though he was victorious in the East, Tiberius realized that the issue was not as simple as winning a battle and killing an enemy. The political loyalty of the entire region had for some time been an issue of circumspection. The open rebellion of the population in not only the Diocese of the East, but of Egypt did not favor Tiberius or anyone who ruled from Constantinople. To that end he disbanded the Diocese of the East, and would later do the same for Egypt, and in their place he formed the Exarchates of Antioch and Alexandria. His argument was that the entire region was under as much likelihood to be attacked or revolt as much as Africa and Italy. He tore out the cumbersome and divided bureaucracy and political organization and replaced it with a system that brought together military and political offices that he could influence and control and could likewise enforce his authority in the region.

The exception being Isauria which he gave to the Diocese of Asia and Cilicia which he gave to the Diocese of Pontus. Opposition in the region was high, but in light of recent events the Emperor would manage to secure his changes.

His campaigns in Italy and the East would be his only major military campaigns for his reign. The issue of increasing attacks by the Bulgars and the Khazars would be an issue for his successor. He spent the remainder of his reign in Constantinople where he died of a heart attack in 695. His death though was heralded by a five year succession crisis.
 
Last edited:
Looming Khazar Threat~

Now, having focused on the Byzantines hopefully to the satisfaction of some I will once more turn eastward. Two or so more Persian updates. Looking into a Frankish+ Europa and Indian one too.

Also, researching for the TL equivalent of the Renaissance.

Also, setting the stage for the Crusades.

Also, looking to start a prose dynamic focusing on the beginning and end of a Emperor's reign to show how things have changed on the ground level.
 
Twenty-First Year of the Reign of Emperor Tiberius (Tiberios)
The Sacred Palace of Constantinople
Constantinople


Fabia wandered through the hallway as the palace, which seemed to wait for the death of yet another Emperor. These halls had seen great and bad men, well and bad times, conspirators and fools, and so much bloodshed. She stopped for a moment to fitfully cough into her hand, flakes of blood mixing with his spittle. Would this place witness her death as well? Possibly.
She had been there to see her eldest brother one moment walking through this very hallway suddenly stop then reach out as if grasping some invisible in the air then collapse to the marble floor. She had not reached out to keep him from falling to the floor, but an attendant had. Shouting had begun even before he had sagged to the floor, his Excubitors [1] surrounding him and pushing away those attendants who had gone to his aid-ever fearful of assassination. They had rushed him back to his chambers and tried to seal the Sacred Palace, but word had already spread and even now she could sense that events were in motion that would plunge the Empire into bloodshed.

The sons of Tiberios were more prepared then she or her brother Justinian had been when Constans, the man she had called father, had died on the streets of Constantinople and Tiberios had seized them here in this very palace. Fabia supposed that her father was in a sense lucky or special, unlike so many of the heirs of Heraclius he had died in battle and not from a brother’s hand or some illness that seemed to plague her great-grandfather’s line. She always supposed that it was because Heraclius had married Martina his niece, her children had been sickly and died, but Fabia herself was of the line of Fabia Eudocia, who she was named after. She had been of the local Punic aristocracy; Fabia had visited Carthage only once, but found it beautiful. Her mother, Octavia [2] had been the daughter of one of her father’s generals, but that did not stop God or the Devil from cursing Fabia to be barren or even this slow sickness that stole her breath year by year.

She had been on the cusp of womanhood when suddenly the Excubitors had appeared at her chambers and ‘politely’ taken her away. She had not been alone. She was soon joined by Justinian’s wife, Zoe, and her children. She vividly remembered Zoe holding the wailing form of HER Heraclius. Thinking of her Heraclius Constantine briefly made her smile, but it did not stop her morbid train of thought from resuming.

She supposed again that she had been lucky. Constans had killed his brothers and their children. Tiberios had shown a deal more mercy, but even still for many nights after being exiled she could not help think of Justinian helpless in the dark and slowly dying of hunger and thirst. What had he thought of their brother’s mercy as he screamed and cried into the darkness as his body slowly shut down and died?

Exiled to Lesbos she had for many years afterward wondered on what her brother had been thinking as to send her there. Yes, she had discovered certain things that even at her age the memories made her blush and remember fondly, but despite her brief and passionate experiences she could never get over the feeling her brother had sent her there originally as a joke at the expense of her character. Though, she had discovered a warmth of a Sapphic kind she had through those years soon discovered another at the expense of the life of her dear sister-in-law. Zoe even before departing to Lesbos had shown the signs of grief, but her condition had worsened day by day until at least one of the servants had found her just lying in the garden in a sleep she would never wake up from (and was probably glad to). As Zoe had withdrawn herself it was then that Fabia discovered the warmth of a mother’s love for her son that was not her son, but still was in all but fact.

Heraclius was the joy and pride of her life! Without him she did not think she would have lasted as long as she had already. He was the only source of light in her life beyond the word of Christ. His joy was her joy, his pain was her pain. Even when she was eventually allowed to return to Constantinople to marry she took him with him. It was for him that in the years after she discovered not only her barrenness, but that her husband had turned elsewhere for comfort in the bed that she stayed with her husband so that she could make use of their combined influences to protect Heraclius. Making sure that he rose within the bureaucracy and had friends to protect him from those who would do him harm. Though he had survived Tiberios, now he had to survive her brother’s…spawn.

If she was sad at the death of her brother it was not for the last shred of family love she may have held for him, but fear that his sons circled as carrion birds and would strike at him for his blood. There were four in all. The eldest was Tiberios son of Tiberios, he was older than her Heraclius and was in the city. There was also Constantinus who was also in the city though he had a reputation as a drunkard he was likely moving against his brother with his own Bucellarii, private troops. Maurice and Heraclius, the latter certainly not being her’s, had already been out of the city. They personally had never treated her badly, but she could tell they looked on her as if she was their father’s prized cow that had two heads or a color pattern he liked. If any of them succeeded then she doubted she would live long enough for her sickness to kill her.

“Your ladyship!” a voice called from behind her. She turned to see a servant girl quickly walk across the hallway to her. The girl had a grave look on her face. “The Emperor…is dead!”

“My brother is…dead?” Fabia replied. She looked away from the servant girl, but the servant pressed on.

“The Domestic of the Excubitors wishes to see you immediately!” the girl hesitated a moment as she saw Fabia drift away from her without reply.
Passing over the spot where Tiberios had collapsed Fabia sat down on the closest bench and cupped her face in her hands, to anyone looking at her it would appear as if she was mourning her brother, but on the other side of her hands though her face was stretched in a grim smile. She did not care her hands were stained with her spit and blood. She made a sobbing sound and after a minute placed her hands in her lap, and spoke to the servant girl.

“Tell Heraclius I will see his shortly.”

---
[1]- Those out of the bed. Sentinels.
[2]- Valentinus had joined John the Usurper and so Constans marries someone else.

----
DUN DUN DUUUUUUUUUUN! Prose! Love it or leave it! Now. Hopefully, I will not be too caught up in this Byzantine Brony story that my Writing ADHD DEMANDS that I write.
 
Originally posted by King of Malta
In 678 he set sail for Ravenna in his first major military campaign that did not involve pushing off the Bulgars or seeing to Arab or Lombard raids. King Rodoald I, the Lombard who had so frustrated Tiberius’ father, had died and his two sons now fought for his throne. In a short military campaign Tiberius supported the ascension of King Romuald who promised peace, the rights of the Catholics within his realm, and a tribute to the Byzantines. No sooner than he had finished his work he received news that the Diocese of the East had openly revolted against his rule.

Originally posted by King of Malta
Quote: Originally Posted by Iñaki
So status quo for the moment with the lombards.

More or less.

Yes, I see, more or less:D

Good updates:cool:

what are the relations of Byzantine Empire with the kingdoms of Nubia -Sudan- (Nobatia, Makuria..)?

By the way, you could find these webs interesting: Thomas Lessman maps with very detailed maps of several years of Medieval Ages, for example 610 AD
http://worldhistorymaps.info/images/East-Hem_610ad.jpg

Also geachron, a free historical atlas that depict each year of the history of the humankind from 3000 BC http://geacron.com/home-es/?lang=es&sid=GeaCron421128
 
Wouldn't Tiberius' epithet (as it would be in Greek) be Koutsos (Greek for Lame)?

This is from a Western/Non-Greek Source so his name is not fully translated.

"The Masters of the City of Constantine: Emperors of Constantinople.
Chapter: The Reign of Tiberius I (Tiberios I) the Lame.
by Gerald Thorovold"

Yes, I see, more or less:D

Good updates:cool:

what are the relations of Byzantine Empire with the kingdoms of Nubia -Sudan- (Nobatia, Makuria..)?

By the way, you could find these webs interesting: Thomas Lessman maps with very detailed maps of several years of Medieval Ages, for example 610 AD
http://worldhistorymaps.info/images/East-Hem_610ad.jpg

Also geachron, a free historical atlas that depict each year of the history of the humankind from 3000 BC http://geacron.com/home-es/?lang=es&sid=GeaCron421128

Hmm probably neutral most of the time, which they may like as when a Emperor turns their eyes toward them then they do tend to become client states.

Why would there even be crusades TTL?

My first post was called "Crusader Kings 2".
 
Top