Dolores a Madrid
The years 1976 and 1977 would be marked by a series of sudden shocks that would change the political face of Spain from the 40 years of National-Catholicism, virulent Spanish nationalism and equally virulent anti-Communism. The Suárez government undertook soon after its formation the task of reforming the Penal Code as a first step towards relaxing the conditions to be met in order to form political 'associations', as parties were known in the Francoist parlance. However, the most important events of the year 1976 took place during the summer, when the 'Ley para la Reforma Política' was drafted (July) and presented before the Council of Ministers on August 24th. Alongside this Fundamental Law, meant to alter the Constitution of the Francoist regime by providing for a directly-elected parliament through universal suffrage, doing away with the so*called 'organic democracy' of the Francoism and its election method in thirds (1).
At the same time, and in preparation for the elections, the various opposition parties started to organise themselves and present themselves before the public. In July 1976, the PCE held a Congress in Rome where it named the members of its Executive Committee and declared its intention to return to Spain and to fight for democracy, leaving behind its intention of calling for the rise of the working class against the regime. On August 10th, Suárez would meet with the leader of the PS, Felipe González in secret as part of the series of contacts between the Prime Minister and the opposition that would be held during the year and later on a formal basis, after January 1977. Starting in September, Suárez would start informal contacts with Carrillo and with Josep Tarradellas.
But late 1976 and in particular 1977 until the elections in June was characterised by a series of waves terrorist attacks from ETAm, ETApm, the FRAP, the GRAPO and the various organisations from the far-right, perhaps the most prominent being Guerrilleros de Cristo-Rey. In this radicalised environment, ETApm's strategy of provoking a military reaction was opposed by one of its leader, Pertur, who would be murdered by his own colleagues for his preference for a political solution and his moderation.
On November 16th, the Cortes would meet to vote on the bill of the Ley para la Reforma Política. As a show of strength, the opposition, now organised in the P.O.D. (Plataforma de la Oposición Democrática) would organise a general strike on the 12th. However, it was a failure, as only about 450,000 workers out of a 13 million workforce would strike, but it forced the Government to reckon the capacity of the opposition and serve as a precedent to hold talks. On the day of the vote, 425 procuradores voted 'Yes', 59 'No's and 13 abstained. This moment is to this day known as the 'harakiri' of the Francoist Cortes. From that moment onwards, the Government started a campaign calling for massive participation in the referendum provided by the Law for its acceptance as a part of the Constitution of the Francoist Regime. A massive 'Yes' vote would boost and increase the legitimacy of the Suárez government and its programme of radical reform of the Regime.
In the weeks previous to the vote, held on December 15th, the various opposition forces showed their presence while calling for citizens to abstain, as they perceived the referendum to lack sufficient democratic validity. Between the 5th and the 8th, the PS held its first Congress, led by Felipe González and Alfonso Guerra, and supported by Willy Brandt (2). On the 10th, Carrillo would appear before the press in an apartment in Madrid, to the embarrassment of the Government.
On the day of the referendum, over 75% of the population voted, and of them, over 94% voted for the 'Yes'. The approval of the Government's project by the majority of the population boosted the legitimacy and support of the Government, vis-à-vis both the democratic opposition and the Francoist orthodoxy, still strong in the institutions of the State. Following his victory, Suárez would meet, on January 11th, with the representatives of the P.O.D., the Commission of the Nine (3) to find a common ground between the Government's plan and the demands of the opposition. At the same time, Suárez would travel to Catalonia, where it promised the establishment of a 'Consell General de Catalunya', which would draft an Estatut as well as the co-official status of Catalan in Catalonia from that moment onwards.
The week between the 23th and the 30th January was to be one of the moments that shook Spain and menaced the democratic trajectory of the country. This week was immortalised by Juan Antonio Bardem in the film 'Siete días de enero'. The week started with the murder of a student during a pro-democracy demonstration by far-right activists on the 23rd. The following day, in a march organised in response to this murder, one student would be killed by the police. This was not to be the end of the 24th, instead, at around 10, an armed group of far-right militants would enter a labour law firm's office in Atocha and kill 10 people (4). On the following day, the PCE, showing its mass support and its disciplined base, would hold a massive funeral for the victims in total and absolute silence. This is considered a turning point in the PCE's battle for legalisation, as this show of self-restraint impressed many until then opposed to its presence in the political sphere.
After this moment, the PCE's pressure to be legalised before the elections in June was to mount. In secret, on the 27th of February, Carillo and Suárez would meet each other in a house outside Madrid for hours. Out of this meeting, it is said, that came the decision to legalise the party, contrary to Suárez's original intentions to wait until after the elections. And perhaps more importantly, the good relationship and bond built by both during that fateful afternoon (later evening, and by the end, 4 am) was to be a critical element in the draft of the Constitution after June.
On the 9th of April, during the Holy Week the PCE would be legalised, following a favourable opinion from the Junta de Fiscales, the governing body of the Public Ministry. The reactions to this decision were tremendous: The minister of the Navy resigned and the Army's governing organ, the Consejo Superior del Ejército published a note where it showed its reticence to the decision and only accepted it as a necessity of the superior interest of the Nation, despite considerable opposition to it. The note was accompanied by a second, non-official note that was much more critical of the decision and hinted at the possibility of an Army's coup.
As a result, on the 14th April, in the first meeting of the PCE's Central Committee, Carrillo would proclaim the PCE's adherence to the flag, the monarchy and the 'unity of Spain', in an attempt to shore up the Government and try to calm the fears of the Army regarding the PCE. From that moment onwards, the PCE has always had a Spanish flag alongside the red flag in its meetings (5).
Notes:
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1) Just irrelevant, but I found it interesting to explain the system: One third by the municipalities (so basically stuffed by administration's candidates), another third by the unions (so again, by Francoists of the Sindicato Vertical) and a last third directly-"elected" by the household heads over 30 (so married men over 30), which were rigged to ensure that this democracy worked appropriately.
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2) This is an important change from OTL. OTL, the PSOE had the support of the entire Socialist International, so the conference was home to Brandt, but also Palme, Foot, Nenni, Soares among other international socialism leaders.
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3) Formed by a representative of the PSP, one for the PS, one for the PCE, one social-democrat, one liberal, one Christian democrat, one Basque nationalist, one Catalan nationalist, one Galician nationalist and one syndical representative, who could express his opinion but not vote, and who was a member of CCOO, hence it could be considered a second Communist representative.
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4) OTL, it was 9. If anyone can guess who else died (because it is not a random person), they will be rewarded
.
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5) Unlike OTL, where after the
carrillistas were expelled from the party, there was a return to the Republican flag.